An Informed Lens on African American English

Anne, a speech-language pathologist, receives a request from the school special education team. They ask her to collect a language sample on a third-grade boy to determine eligibility for services. The SLP collects and analyzes the sample. She determines that the child exhibits the following linguistic and articulation patterns: dropping of the “s” in regular plurals, omitting the “ed” in the past tense, dropping of the “s” in possessives, substitution of /f/ for /θ/ at the ends of words, and substitution of the /d/ for /ð/ at the beginning of words.
In another school, SLP Brian acts on a similar request, collecting a language sample on a third-grade girl to help determine eligibility. He collects and analyzes the sample. He determines that the child exhibits the following linguistic and articulation patterns: dropping of the “s” in regular plurals, omitting the “ed” in the past tense, dropping of the “s” in possessives, substitution of /f/ for /θ/ at the ends of words, and substitution of the /d/ for /ð/ at the beginning of words.
Carefully consider these two scenarios. Can you tell which child will be identified as having a speech and language disorder, and which child is an African American English-speaker?
It’s difficult to tell because of how SLPs often describe the linguistic patterns of African American English (AAE). We use the same terminology and characteristics to describe AAE as we do to describe a communication disorder. Pretty confusing. But what if we change the verbiage we use to describe the AAE patterns, so that the focus is on AAE and how these rules are being exhibited? That makes our jobs much easier, because now we can discern between a communication disorder, a communication difference, or a communication disorder within a difference. Let’s try this again …
Consider how the evaluation would change if Brian, the SLP in the second scenario, were to instead use the following language: “The child exhibits plurals marked by a numerical word, past tense marked by intonation and context, possessive marked by ‘owner + thing owned,’ the written symbol ‘th’ pronounced as /f/ at the ends of words, and the written symbol ‘th’ pronounced as /d/ at the beginning of words.”
This alternative language truly identifies the child as an AAE-speaker who is simply following the morpho-syntactic and phonological rules of their linguistic system. In comparision, the original language uses terminology indicative of a speech and language disorder and need for services—when none are needed. How can we shift the way we assess the speech and language of African American children to discern difference from disorder—and better meet their needs? Let’s take a closer look.
Key AAE concepts
In our discipline, AAE has been discussed for well over half a century. However, we have been talking about it in a way that is similar to the way we talk about disorders. It is no wonder it has been difficult for us to truly wrap our heads around “difference versus disorder.” It is time for us to change the language we use to talk about AAE—so that we may better serve our AAE-speaking clients.
To shift away from this deficit perspective of AAE, we need to understand several concepts.
Language variations
If this term seems foreign to you, another term synonymous with language variations—and probably the one most familiar to our field—is dialects. However, the term dialect often comes with a stigmatized connotation. While any linguist will tell you that all dialects are rule-governed, systematic ways of speaking, society has a different perspective on dialects. Often, dialects are seen as substandard ways of speaking, and the people who speak these dialects are also seen as substandard.
Of course, this couldn’t be further from the truth.
Also controversial is trying to distinguish what is truly a language versus what is truly a dialect. The truth is, all varieties of a language are dialects of that language. Yes, even Mainstream American English (MAE) is a dialect.
If it helps, think of the language base as ice cream and all of the different ways to speak that language as the flavors. Hopefully, you’ll soon realize that no one flavor of ice cream is better than another, just different. So, to make this confusing terminology and categorization easier, I simply refer to the different ways we speak as what they are: linguistic systems. Examples of linguistic systems of English include British English and all of its varieties, Australian Englishes, and Nigerian English.
Examples of linguistic systems of American English include Southern White English and African American English. Within all of these different English varieties, differences are bound to emerge. Take, for example, the pronunciation of schedule. In the mainstream dialect of American English, we say /ˈskedʒuːl/. However, in the mainstream dialect of British English, the word is pronounced /ˈʃedjuːl/. Even though these words (and many others) are pronounced differently, I don’t imagine an American English speaker would correct a British person’s pronunciation of a word (I am aware I could be wrong).
If there are so many different ways to speak English correctly, why do we tend to correct and stigmatize only certain varieties? Digging a little bit deeper reveals that the linguistic systems that are most stigmatized (for example, AAE, Southern White English, Chicano English) have to do with factors such as geographic location, socioeconomic status, immigrant status, and race/ethnicity. Discrimination on the basis of these factors is ethically wrong, and in many cases, illegal.
Acknowledgment and deeper understanding of AAE
As a linguistic system, AAE, also known as African American Language, has its own set of rules for grammar, morphology, syntax, phonology, semantics, pragmatics, and paralinguistics. To help explain these rules, I will delve into the use of positive, noncomparative descriptions.
The key to grasping the rules of AAE is learning what the rules are, not what they aren’t.
Huh?
Here’s an example. In AAE, we often say that the “s” is deleted for regular plural nouns. Instead of saying “There are two dogs,” as would be spoken in Mainstream American English, the same sentence translated into AAE would read “There are two dog.” However, to state that “s” is deleted doesn’t help me understand what the rule is. It also makes my SLP mind think, “Well, if this child deletes an ‘s,’ then it’s my job to make sure that they learn to add the ‘s,’ as we do in articulation therapy.”
Let’s flip this around and look at “There are two dog” a completely different way: No “s” was ever deleted … the plural is marked by the number preceding the noun. This concept of using positive, non-comparative description is essential to truly understanding the rules of AAE and, in turn, making more accurate assessments and diagnoses, and implementing more accurate interventions. A byproduct of this understanding is respect for AAE-speakers.
Insight into how written symbols connect oral language and literacy in AAE
Often, when we think of an AAE-speaking child, we are aware that they may say words such as dis and baf. Translated to MAE, these words are this and bath, respectively. However, when it comes to the instruction and assessment of reading, AAE-speakers tend to miss the connection between oral language and written code. This is because their oral code does not match the written code they are being asked to use for reading and/or writing.
We often hear that AAE-speakers have a difficult time learning how to read. This may or may not be true, but we need to be clear about the code we ask them to use to read. For instance, I consider myself a reader, but not of just any written code. I can read the codes associated with the languages that I speak and with which I am familiar. If someone were to ask me to read the following words in Swedish, this would be a harder task:
Detta är svårt för mig att läsa eftersom jag inte talar svenska.
The written symbols in the Swedish text above are, for the most part, familiar to me. But, the written symbols sound different in this other oral code. And, I do not know the cadence/rhythm of the written text. Therefore, it’s not that I don’t know how to read. It’s that I don’t know how to read an unfamiliar oral code. Here is an example of another linguistic system of English, Nigerian Pidgin English:
On top say dem dey hear am ontop ogbonge weather condition wey dey cause lack of water wen rain no fall (drought) and floods, pipo wey dey live for di south-east of Niger dey also suffer because of di Boko Haram palava.
In this example, I can see that there are some words that are familiar to me as an MAE-speaker, and I could probably easily decode the words because all of the written symbols are familiar to me. But again, because I do not know the rules and am unfamiliar with how it sounds, this would still be difficult to read and comprehend.
Based on these concepts, I recommend keeping these principles in mind when working with AAE-speaking children:
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It is not the SLP’s job to make the child sound like an MAE-speaker.
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The goal of intervention is to help children understand how to use language and speech to communicate effectively.
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SLPs should collaborate with the teacher to develop culturally and linguistically responsive teaching practices in the classroom so that AAE-speakers can access the MAE curriculum while maintaining their cultural-linguistic identities.
Application to assessment
How do we use the above principles when it comes to assessment of AAE-speaking children? Let’s start by looking at assessment of their reading skills in MAE. I suggest asking the following questions:
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What could it mean if they read the code exactly as it is printed?
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What could it mean if they translate the written code into their own oral code?
For instance, let’s say you assess an AAE-speaking child who reads the words exactly as they are written. If they are less familiar with the code, their fluency may suffer—and, as a result, their comprehension. However, if they are more familiar with the code, then they may have learned to code-switch, making it more easy to comprehend what was written. Alternatively, an AAE-speaking child may translate the written code into their own oral code. For example, if they read the word this as dis, they demonstrate understanding that, in their own oral code, “th” may be pronounced as /d/ in the beginning of words. Other examples of accurate translations are reading walked as walk, or mom’s as mom.
As SLPs, it is important to determine 1) whether a child is using a consistent pattern of AAE features, and 2) if the child may be an AAE-speaker with accompanying speech and language difficulties. To make this determination, we can take these steps:
Administer the Diagnostic Evaluation of Language Variation(DELV). This evaluation helps determine how much of a variation from MAE the child speaks, and to what degree they are at risk for a language disorder. Next, proceed to either the full DELV protocol or other protocols, keeping in mind that the child is an AAE-speaker. Remember, the child may not use AAE features you know, or may use different AAE features from those listed in the manuals. Also, their dialect density may range from low to high.
Collect and analyze a language sample.This allows you to see the features that the child uses, the consistency of their use, frequency of use, and accuracy of use.
Take, for example, two first-grade AAE-speaking children: “Charles” and “Damon.” Charles consistently uses words and patterns such as “Den” and “He had (+ verb)” and “breaf.” Damon uses words and patterns such as “Dey was” and “He jump” and “Den.” In addition to these patterns, he inconsistently marks verb tenses. For example, he uses both “atein’” and “eatin’” for “eat.” He also substitutes /w/ for /r/ in initial and medial positions for words such as “red” and “memory.” Finally, he shows difficulties remembering vocabulary words and uses “thing” and “stuff” in place of target words. The DELV confirms both boys speak a “strong variation from MAE.” However, Charles is at the “lowest risk for a language disorder” and Damon is at the “highest risk for a language disorder.”
Listen and talk to caregivers. Caregivers can help with assessment in multiple ways. One way is to have them take the same test you give the child. See how the caregiver performs, so you have an idea what to expect. For example, caregivers may convey that the child won’t know certain vocabulary words because those words aren’t used at home. You can also interview the caregiver about potential red flags they see when communicating with their child. If the child is communicating well in their own speech community, then usually all is well. If their own familiar partners struggle to communicate with them, this could be a red flag. Lastly, listen to the caregivers yourself. Does the child use the same patterns the caregivers use? And not just any of the caregivers, the ones the child is around the most. If the child sounds more like his grandmother than his mother, this could be because the grandmother is the primary caregiver.
Use dynamic assessment, a more interactive alternative to standardized testing. This will help to confirm whether the child is having a difficult time with speech and language in general, or more specifically with the rules of MAE, which may be due to lack of exposure. For example, if the child consistently pronounces the written symbols “th” as /d/ at the beginning of words and as /f/ at the end of words, and they have been referred for articulation issues, use dynamic assessment to distinguish between an articulation disorder or simply use of AAE. Have the child learn a nonword, such as “juth” or “thimp,” and see if they are able to pronounce the written symbols of “th” as /θ/ or /ð/.
You may need a few examples, and do some modeling, but see how they do. If they are able to learn this rule, there is no need for you to see them for that specific articulation goal. Note, this same method can be applied to language features. If the child can successfully learn these new articulation and language rules, it is then the job of the classroom teacher to use culturally and linguistically responsive strategies in the classroom to get the child to translate from their code to the MAE code. It is important to use a nonword to remove any cultural bias from previous exposure to a word. Remember, the goal of dynamic assessment is to determine the child’s ability to learn, not to determine what they already know.
Like English-language learners, AAE-speaking children are learning the rules of MAE. By reconceptualizing our approach to AAE, we can learn to recognize and validate the cultural-linguistic differences and identities of African American English-speakers. If we do not, we do a disservice to the integrity of our field, and— more importantly—to the community of African American English speakers.
Some Common African American English (AAE) Rules
The written symbol ‘th’ in the final positions of words may be pronounced with /f/ or /v/. She got a pretty mouf.
If a stop consonant at the end of a word is preceded by another consonant of the same voicing, pronounce the first consonant only. I took the tes’ yesterday.
Plural may be marked by number or quantifier preceding noun. My dad got two dog at his house.
Possessive marked by “owner + thing owned.” My grandma house be col’ in da mornin’.
See sources for origins of examples.
Suggested Statements to Include in AAE Assessment Reports
Here are three suggested statements you can include in your reports when working with children who speak African American English (AAE):
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AAE features exhibited by [the client] included [positive noncomparative statements].
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Due to these features qualifying as a communication difference and not a communication disorder, the following AAE features will not be addressed during intervention: ____________.
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Dynamic assessment of [MAE rule] revealed that client can produce/demonstrate ability to ____________.
For more report-writing statements or to schedule a workshop with your school district, contact Megan-Brette Hamilton at [email protected] or [email protected].
Sources
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Dillard, J. L. (1972). Black English: Its history and usage in the United States. New York: Random House. -
Ezgeta, M. (2012). Internal grammatical conditioning in African-American Vernacular English. Maribor International Review, 5(1), 9–26. -
Hamilton, M. B.Angulo-Jiménez, H.Taylo, C., & DeThorne, L. S. (2018). Clinical implications for working with nonmainstream dialect speakers: A focus on two Filipino kindergartners. Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools, 49(3), 497–508. -
Hamilton, M. B.Mont, E. V., & McLain, C. (2018). Deletion, omission, reduction: Redefining the language we use to talk about African American English. Perspectives of the ASHA Special Interest Groups, 3(1), 107–117. -
Pullum, G. (1999). African American Vernacular English is not standard English with mistakes. The Workings of Language: From Prescriptions to Perspectives, 59–66. -
Seymour, H. N.Roeper, T., & deVilliers, J. G. (2003). Diagnostic Evaluation of Language Variation, Screening Test (DELV-ST). San Antonio, TX: The Psychological Corporation (now Ventris Learning). -
Seymour, H. N.Roeper, T., & deVilliers, J. G. (2005). Diagnostic Evalustion of Language Variation, Norm Referenced (DELV-NR), San Antonio, TX: The Psychological Corporation (now Ventris Learning). -
Thomas, E. R. (2007). Phonological and phonetic characteristics of African American Vernacular English. Language and Linguistics Compass, 1(5), 450–475. -
Wheeler, R.Cartwright, K. B., & Swords, R. (2012). Factoring AAVE into reading assessment and instruction. The Reading Teacher, 65(6), 416–425.

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